Latin America and the idea of a “global modernity”, 1895-1915 [1]

Maria Isabel Baldasarre [2]

BALDASARRE, María Isabel. Latin America and the idea of a “global modernity”, 1895-1915. 19&20, Rio de Janeiro, v. X, n. 2, jul./dez. 2015. https://www.doi.org/10.52913/19e20.X2.14b [Español]

* * *

Presence of the languages of Modernism

1. Buenos Aires, Santiago de Chile, Rio de Janeiro, Mexico City: the photos of the downtown areas of these cities at the turn of the last century show a similar appearance. Signs of modernization are shared by all of them: buildings whose appearance owes much to European academicism, newly opened avenues, new means of transport (trams, trolleys), pedestrians moving faster than the precipitation time of the emulsion on photographic plates. In this way the modernization of certain urban areas and their adherence to European cultural consumption patterns is recorded: fashion tailored in Paris and London is emulated, public buildings and private residences are built following the patterns indicated by architects arriving from Europe; fountains and monuments that populate urban spaces also stick to these guidelines.

2. In these contexts, the abundance of illustrated publications, European paintings, as well as the journeys of initiation of artists and amateurs to Europe, undoubtedly contributed to a “global” circulation of the languages of Modern Art, at least in the Western Hemisphere between the late 19th and early 20th century. How did the cultural centres of Latin America function as consumers or as creative recipients of these new languages? What was their role, if it is possible to raise a sub-continental specificity, in a time of great hegemony of Modern aesthetics?

3. The proposal for this work is to outline a possible itinerary linking images produced in parallel in different scenarios – sometimes in Europe, other times in America – by actors who played their part in the institutionalization of the arts in Latin America. In some cases, the links between the works are authentic, generally through the mediation of mentor artists who unified aesthetics and artists. In others, the links are more speculative, based on formal affinities or similar visual projects realized simultaneously, and ratified by the eloquence of the images themselves. By taking the enlargement of this first body of work as a starting point, the long-range goal is to contribute with a comparative study addressing the inscriptions of modernity in the Latin American territory, considering their specificities, but also noting to which extent a global modernism was projected in the region.

4. First, we cannot ignore the role played by illustrated magazines of “general interest” in disseminating and promoting modern aesthetics. The model was pioneered by the fortnightly publication L’illustration, founded in 1843, which consolidated an aesthetic and “visual” way of conveying the world. Towards the last decade of the century, this was the first French publication to use photography systematically and it became an example followed by various magazines that then proliferated in many Latin American capital cities. Thus, publications such as La Ilustración Sud-Americana in Buenos Aires (1892), El Mundo Ilustrado (1894) and Arte y Letras (1904) in Mexico, La Lira Chilena (1898) in Santiago de Chile and Revista da Semana (1900) and A Ilustração Brasileira (1909) in Rio de Janeiro, participated in the propagation of a visual repertoire of Western bourgeois culture in which art played a central role. Consequently, exhibitions and artists – both foreign and those belonging to the country of origin of those magazines – shared their pages, which contributed to the dissemination of their works and the consolidation of their aesthetics.

5. Projects with more specific goals, which often lasted for a few years or a few issues of the publication, were also brought forward by artists and poets. Without attempting to unify the editorial and aesthetic scope of projects like the Revista Moderna (1898-1903 and 1903-1911) and Savia Moderna (1906) from Mexico, Revista Contemporânea (1899-1901) and Kosmos (1904-1909) from Rio de Janeiro, Pluma y Lápiz (1900-1904) and Selecta (1909-1912) from Santiago, or Athinae (1908-1912) from Buenos Aires, we can say that, in all cases, these were publications which clearly manifested the urgency of participating in this dynamics of the new, but now strictly anchored in aesthetics.[3]

6. Of course, the travels of artists also played a central role in establishing a direct contact with more formalized art systems from which they would absorb not only visual formulas, but also artistic strategies to be later implemented in their country of origin. As Pascale Casanova argues, between the late 19th and the early 20th centuries, Paris operated as an unequivocal “cultural meridian” for a great part of the world, the global benchmark of Modern Art to serve as a basis of comparison; the level of proximity to the City of Light allowed to measure one’s degree of accomplished modernity.[4] Also, as mentioned in an earlier article co-written with Laura Malosetti Costa, this scenario allowed for contacts among Latin American artists who led a bohemian life shared in ateliers, bars and exhibitions in the French capital, which would otherwise be unfeasible in their vast geographical origin.[5] We also know that Paris acted as a unifying centre for other communities of artists such as the Scandinavian painters, who came together in their ateliers and artistic circles and ended up defining their modern aesthetics there as well.

7. This idea of a meridian of cultural modernity should undoubtedly also be related to artistic forms that this centre and its actors introduced as canonical. Regarding this, in a recent work Béatrice Joyeux-Lafont argues that “in the early 20th century [...] the Impressionist heritage, readapted to fit the pictorial and visual heirs of the trends of the academic system, is internationalized and institutionalized in the structures of exhibition, circulation, publication and commerce of art. [...] In this new field of Modern Art, an international field, an Impressionist style intersected with Symbolism is imposed as Modern Art par excellence”.[6]

8. Established in 1895, the Venice Biennale was one of the forums in which the aesthetics resulting from Impressionism and Symbolism, with elements of fin-de-siècle decadence, was consolidated. It was there, amongst the works of Francesco Paolo Michetti, Giovanni Segantini, Giovanni Boldini, Ettore Tito, Pierre Auguste Renoir, Émile René Menard, Alfred Philippe Roll, Jozef Israëls, Ignacio Zuloaga, Hermen Anglada Camarasa and Joaquin Sorolla, that Latin American artists such as the Argentinians Cesáreo Bernaldo de Quiros (1901) and Pius Collivadino (1901, 1903 and 1905) and the Mexican Angel Zarraga (1910) went in an attempt to achieve fame fame, establishing a contemporary dialogue with these artists and their works. Also, the Salon d’Automne in Paris worked similarly as a place for many artists from the subcontinent to display and renew their work; a place where they could update their aesthetics and dialogue with contemporary art. The works of the Mexicans Zárraga (1904 and 1911), Diego Rivera (1911), Alfredo Ramos Martínez (1905, 1907 and 1908) and Argentinian Rodolfo Franco (1911), among others, have been exhibited at the Venice Biennale.

9. The exhibitions held in America were also other spaces for the dissemination of these aesthetics. Although our journey has been more encompassing in Argentinian soil, we know that artists like Ignacio Zuloaga, Julio Romero de Torres, Joaquin Sorolla, Hermen Anglada Camarasa and Zubiaurre were well represented in exhibitions held in the early 20th century in Buenos Aires and Mexico City, and in the International Art Exhibition held in Santiago, Chile, in 1910.[7] Undoubtedly, the power of the Spanish art and artists was activated in countries like Mexico, Chile or Argentina, for whom the Hispanic heritage worked like an element to be vindicated in a time of a strong quest for identity. In the midst of an ambiance of cultural nationalism, a consonance was established between the re-evaluation of traditions carried forward in Spain since 1898 by the Regenerationistas[8] and the one accompanying festivities celebrating precisely the end of the Spanish rule in America. The issue will be different in territories such as Brazil, where the French heritage occupied a prominent place, with Paris operating as an unequivocal metropolis with regards to modern models.

10. Besides knowing the works of contemporary Spanish art, we know that these were valued and purchased by the public and the institutions of these thriving metropolises. In Buenos Aires, a real market for Hispanic art was established, with many exhibitions in galleries and private entities that promoted Spanish interests in America, a movement that was ratified by the success that Spanish contributions achieved in the Centennial Exposition of 1910, spearheaded by works by Zuloaga and Hermen Anglada Camarasa.[9] In Chile, the recently opened Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes increased its collection by buying, at the Centennial Exhibition, works by Manuel Benedito, Gonzalo Bilbao and Valentin Zubiaurre, among others.[10] In Mexico, facing a discouraging panorama as far as the practice of artistic consumption in high-resource sectors was concerned, El Heraldo Mexicano stressed, however, how “the commission of the Art Exhibition of the Spanish Pavilion can boast about having sold a total of seventy thousand pesos in the last few weeks, especially considering the modernism of the pictures, which was extreme in a community that only shows an interest in what is antique”.[11] That is, although modern art may have reached a scene like the Mexican one “in dribs and drabs”, what is important is the receptivity that such works enjoyed among those who attended these events.[12]

11. However, what we would most like to underline here is how artists like Zuloaga, who never visited any Latin American country,[13] crystallized the search for renewal of many artists who presented similar solutions throughout the subcontinent. In this regard we cannot ignore his impact on the Mexican artists Juan Tellez Hellin, Angel Zarraga and Saturnino Herrán, already noted by Fausto Ramirez,[14] and counterpoise them to the Argentinians Jorge Bermudez and Cesáreo Bernaldo de Quirós. All of them, except for Herrán had had direct contact with the Basque master himself in Europe;[15] and all five of them helped consolidate a costumbrista painting genre, centred on popular types, which monumentalizes its protagonists, without idealizing them. In turn, Zuloaga approached not only this range of topics centred on popular types, but also a visual synthesis that offered an element of renewal of forms in painting.

12. When analyzing the circulation of Modern Art in Latin America, it is inevitable to focus our attention on European artists that are maybe less known in contemporary narratives but who were certainly significant for the arts and artists of that time. A case in point is the German Heinrich von Zügel – one of the best known animalists of the 19th century, according to the printed press – and particularly his impact on the painting of the Argentinian Fernando Fader.[16] Animal painting, a genre that at first sight could be qualified as secondary, allowed von Zügel to experiment with light and light reflections inspired by the investigations carried out by the Impressionists. In this way, the painting of Fernando Fader’s master embodies another example of the global language of Modern Art that we aim to elucidate in this article.

13. Fader, regarded by local historiography as an artist devoted to the landscape of the sierras pampeanas and a pioneer in establishing his production commercially, can certainly be re-located in the artistic and intellectual map of the turn of the century (as we shall see, historiography has recently carried out a similar operation with the early 20th-century painting of Diego Rivera).[17] His works, such as Caballos (1904) or La comida de los cerdos (1904), allow us to enter once again in the realm of costumbrismo[18] as a territory where modernity is displayed and, in a tour de force, to draw aesthetic affinities between these works and those by the Chilean Pedro Lira and the Brazilian Almeida Junior.

14. In works such as Lira’s El niño enfermo (1902), or Almeida Junior’s O Violeiro [see Image] and Saudade [see Image] (both of 1899), we can extend Fernanda Pitta’s statement to the Brazilian case: “Realism is imposed on objects”.[19] The guitar, the cup, the letter, the modest clothing and the monumental nature of the characters allow us to link these scenes with the claims of the costumbrista painting that was produced in Europe towards the end of the 19th century by painters such as Jules Bastien Lepage and Jules Breton.

15. Both the Chilean painter and the Brazilian one from Sao Paulo had been trained in Paris during the same period (Lira between 1873 and 1882; Almeida Junior between 1876 and 1882) and despite their apprenticeship took place in ateliers of artists associated with the academy (Lira, in Evariste Luminais’ and Elie Delaunay’s; Almeida Junior, in Alexandre Cabanel’s), their works owe much to the languages of Realism and Naturalism due to the monumentality of their characters and their softened palette, with a lightweight and “dragged” brushstroke. Both Lira and Almeida Junior “evoke in the viewer a sense of belonging to the scene”,[20] and – once again following Pitta – we can understand how these poetics worked in American contexts as “strategies for the configuration of a national art, but also as an effort to respond to the concerns related to the unfolding of the pictorial research of the European tradition: the renewal of painting history by means of costumbres painting”.[21]

16. Concerning this particular case, we would like to point out another possible trail formed by artists who produced works of urban scenes and contemporary characters determined by loose brushstrokes and dynamic compositions: common themes and resources in artists who were then called painters of “modern life”, such as Ernest Duez, Alfred-Philippe Roll, Raphael Collin and Henri Gervex. These painters had learned the Impressionist lesson well, and it is not difficult to establish a dialogue among them and the Brazilians Rodolpho Amoedo and Eliseu Visconti,[22] and the Peruvian Daniel Hernández Morillo.[23] All of them, with an important training in Paris, produced feminine scenes that strictly emphasized how the characters kept up with clothing, hairstyles and attitude, and, in the case of Visconti and Hernandez, their loose and vaporous brushstroke helped to evoke the effect of “capturing the instant”.

17. In fact, Hernandez’s La Perezosa allows for the transition into a genre that played a central role as an experimental territory for modern languages: the nude. A territory that combined the erotic tingle with the disruptive power of the undressed body in settings which were not usually used for its exhibition. Regarding this, we point out works like La ninfa de las cerezas (1889) by Alfredo Valenzuela Puelma, an emblematic painting that introduces the nude tradition in Chile,[24] which we could link with the Argentinian Severo Rodriguez Etchart in the beginning of the century,[25] and the indolent Dolorida (1910) or Flor Brasileira (1912) by the Brazilian Antonio Parreiras.[26] Consequently, we can expand this genealogy so as to include Ensueño (desnudo con nenúfares) by the Argentinian Ernesto de la Cárcova, concluding with a small nude of a teenager by Eliseo Visconti (1912). More or less idealized, inserted in more or less vaporous atmospheres, in almost all of these works the female body exhibits its nakedness frontally, in contemporary interiors devoid of mythological, biblical or orientalizing justifications, which makes them modern nudes.

18. Towards the end of the period here considered, one of the artists that had great impact on the execution and colour of several Latin American artists was the Catalan Hermen Anglada Camarasa. As we have mentioned above, his work had high visibility in the region, especially in Argentina, a country he did not know but with which he established a fruitful exchange. Anglada was trained in Paris and Majorca, where, at the beginning of the First World War,[27] he settled a community of Latin American artists, alternately frequented by the Argentinian Rodolfo Franco and Cesáreo Quiros (in Majorca between 1903 and 1914), the Mexican Roberto Montenegro (in Paris between 1906 and 1910) and Alfredo Ramos Martinez,[28] and the Uruguayan Pedro Blanes Viale.[29] The latter settled in Majorca before Anglada’s arrival and, like Quirós, was influenced by the painting of another Spanish artist, Santiago Rusiñol, who we can consider as an inspiration for the Hispanic Americans. Here we are only one step away from assessing the impact of his painting on the early work of Diego Rivera.

What is Modernism for?

19. When taking the path described so far, and having only taken our first steps, we did not want to imply a uniform and homogenous internalization of this global modernity. It is yet to be analysed whether these languages were practiced (and in which ways) in other scenarios of the region. However, as Perry Anderson pointed out concerning the idea of modernity proposed by Marshall Berman, modernisms are ideologically and politically unevenly distributed, and correspond to different modes of production and consumption.[30] That is, if we can observe in the different Latin American centres the greater or lesser abundance of Modern Art’s languages in a kind of simultaneity concerning the European scene, the questions we should now ask are: To which projects were these languages useful? To what extent can we conceive of nationalist, civilizational, progressive projects related to these aesthetics? And once more, were these Modern language projects homogeneous in all of the Latin American countries?

20. Firstly, and this may pose an initial differential nuance in relation to what was happening in Europe, the late 19th and early 20th centuries were a time of clear artistic institutionalization in Latin America, with the creation of museums and academies, and the reformulation of older institutions that had existed since colonial times. Not without controversy or power struggles, these new aesthetics were functional for updating art education in the “cloisters” of the National School of Fine Arts, as Fausto Ramirez has studied in the case of Mexico. Modernism, with a high share of Symbolism and Impressionism, provided the early years of the century with the opportunity to escape some of the rigidity of classical rhetoric in order to practice the natural nude and focus on a more subjective and experimental approach.[31] A few years later, in 1913, the new director of the School, Alfredo Ramos Martinez, would be in charge of establishing outdoor painting schools that aimed at promoting the “birth of a true national art”.[32]

21. Brazil also fought its own dispute between “the ancient and the modern” within the recently nationalized Imperial Academy of Fine Arts in 1890. The modern (“os novos”) – spearheaded by Visconti, the Henrique brothers, and Rodolfo Bernardelli and Amoedo – struggled for implementing the model of the Académie Julien they had got to know in Paris, stimulating the idea of going out to paint in “Ateliês Livres”[33] and of replacing older teachers.[34]

22. In Argentina, the work of the first students of the recently created National Academy of Fine Arts (1905) seems to ratify how, the institution, since its genesis had been permeated by influences from the Impressionist and Nabis aesthetics. These studies show loose and evident brushstrokes, applying little material; there is no intention to create accomplished glazes as indicated by the more traditional academic training. We can assume that these experiments were enabled by the fact that Eduardo Schiaffino and Pio Collivadino were amongst the teachers.[35] Besides, since 1895, Schiaffino had been the founder and director of the first art museum in the country, promoting, both in his purchases and demands for donations, European and Argentine works of the aesthetics that we have been discussing herein.

23. In other words, these were the expressions that arrived in Chile, Argentina and Mexico in the context of the Centennials, and it was in comparison to them that the artists of these countries measured themselves and thought carefully about the construction of a representative and national art. Many were the tasks to which the artistic modernity in Latin America had to adapt; the multiple projects to be carried out placed aesthetic experimentation quite far from the doctrines of the art pour l'art and an exclusively Bohemian life. More than an untimely modernity, as is often observed in the olden historiography on the period, the subcontinent provided us with highly committed and functional modernity programs that definitely granted it a differential aspect which we intend to continue exploring.

Bibliographic references

AGÜERO, Ana Clarisa. Las manos del Greco. Arte y cultura de Córdoba en 1916. Caiana, nº 4, 1er semestre de 2014. Available at: <http://caiana.caia.org.ar/template/caiana.php?pag=articles/article_1.php&obj=132&vol=4> Accessed on: 15/11/2014.

ANDERSON, Perry. Modernidad y Revolución, In: CASULLO, Nicolás (comp.). El debate modernidad-posmodernidad. Buenos Aires: El cielo por asalto, 1993. 

ARTUNDO, Patricia M.; AMIGO, Roberto. El arte español en la Argentina 1890-1960. Buenos Aires: Fundación Espigas, 2006.

BALDASARRE, María Isabel. Terreno de debate y mercado para el arte español contemporáneo: Buenos Aires en los inicios del siglo XX, In: AZNAR, Yayo; WECHSLER, Diana B. (comp.). La memoria compartida. España y la Argentina en la construcción de un imaginario cultural (1898-1950). Buenos Aires: Paidós, 2005, pp. 107-132.  

BALDASARRE, María Isabel. La vida artística de Mario A. Canale, In: AMIGO, Roberto; BALDASARRE, María Isabel (org.). Maestros y discípulos. El arte argentino desde el Archivo Mario A. Canale. Buenos Aires: Fundación Espigas, 2006. 

BALDASARRE, María Isabel. La revista de los jóvenes: Athinae, In: ARTUNDO, Patricia (ed.). Arte en Revistas. Publicaciones culturales en la Argentina 1900-1950. Rosario: Beatriz Viterbo, 2008.  

BALDASARRE, María Isabel; MALOSETTI, Laura. París 1900-1914. Plataforma para la construcción de un arte hispanoamericano, In: Continuo / discontinuo. Los dilemas de la historia del arte en América Latina, XXXV Coloquio Internacional de Historia del Arte Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, Oaxaca: UNAM, 2011. 

BANDEIRA, Alice. Descanso do modelo: trajetória e repercussão da pintura de gênero brasileira no final do século XIX, Boletim 7. Grupo de Estudos Arte & Fotografia. CAP-ECA-USP, 2014. 

CASANOVA, Pascale. La literatura como mundo, In: SÁNCHEZ, Ignacio (ed.). América latina en la “literatura mundial”. Pittsburgh: Instituto Internacional de Literatura Iberoamericana/University of Pittsburgh, 2006. 

CAVALCANTI, Ana Maria. Os embates no meio artístico carioca em 1890 - antecedentes da Reforma da Academia das Belas Artes, 19&20. Rio de Janeiro, v. II, nº 2, abr. 2007. Disponible en: <http://www.dezenovevinte.net/criticas/embate_1890.htm> Acceso: 15/10/2014. 

Exposición Internacional de Bellas Artes de Santiago de Chile, 1910. 

FAVELA, Ramón et al. Alfredo Ramos Martínez (1871-1946). Una visión retrospectiva. México: INBA/MUNAL, 1992. 

FERNÁNDEZ, Ana. Arte y emigración. La pintura española en Buenos Aires (1880-1910). Oviedo/Buenos Aires: Universidad de Oviedo/FFyL-UBA, 1997.

FONTBONA, Francesc et al. El mon d’Anglada-Camarasa. Barcelona: La Caixa, 2006. 

GALÁN, Belén; TUDELILLA, Chus. Pinturas de Zuloaga en las colecciones del MNCARS. Madrid: Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofía, 2000.

GARCÍA, Pilar. Alfredo Ramos Martínez y la Academia Nacional de Bellas Artes (1910-1920), In: FAVELA, Ramón et al. Alfredo Ramos Martínez (1871-1946). Una visión retrospectiva. México: INBA/MUNAL, 1992.

GÓMEZ, Ricardo. Las exposiciones española y mejicana de bellas artes, In: GARCÍA, Genaro. Crónica oficial de las fiestas del primer Centenario de la Independencia en México. México: Museo Nacional, 1911.

GUTIÉRREZ, Ignacio. Quirós. Buenos Aires: Zurbarán Ediciones, 1991.

GUTIÉRREZ, Rodrigo. Fernando Fader. Obra y pensamiento de un pintor argentino. Granada: Instituto de América/CEDODAL, 1998.

JOYEUX-LAFONT, Beatrice. Jouer sur l’espace pour maîtriser le temps, EspacesTemps.net, Works. Acceso: 28.11.2006. Disponible en: <http://www.espacestemps.net/en/articles/jouer-sur-lrsquoespace-pour-maitriser-le-temps-en/> Acceso 15/10/2014 .

MALOSETTI, Laura. Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, Colección. Buenos Aires: Asociación Amigos del MNBA, 2010, vol. 1.

MAUAD, Ana María. Flagrantes e instantâneo: fotografia de impresa e o jeito de ser carioca na belle époque”, In:  LOPES, Antonio Herculano (org.) Entre Europa e África. A invenção do carioca. Rio de Janeiro, Edições Casa de Rui Barbosa, 2000.

MOYSSÉN, Xavier. Juan Tellez, Anales del IIE, nº 52, 1983, pp. 139-149.

MOYSSÉN, Xavier. La crítica de arte en México 1896-1921. México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Estética, 1999, vol. 1.

OLIVEIRA, Cláudia de; VELLOSO, Monica Pimenta; LINS, Vera. O moderno em revistas. Representações do Rio de Janeiro de 1890 a 1930. Rio de Janeiro: Garamond, 2010.

ORTIZ, Julieta. Imágenes del deseo. Arte y publicidad en la prensa ilustrada mexicana (1894-1939). México: UNAM, 2003.

PÉREZ, Alfonso. Pintura española en Chile. Santiago de Chile: Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, s/f.

Cuadros de la Exposición Española que se quedaron en México, El Heraldo Mexicano,  5 de noviembre de 1910, p. 5. Citado en: MOYSSÉN, Xavier. La crítica de arte en México 1896-1921. México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Estética, 1999, vol. 1.

PITTA, Fernanda. Um povo pacato e bucólico: costume e história na pintura de Almeida Júnior. Tesis del programa de la pos graduación en Artes Visuais, Escola de Comunicações e Artes, USP, june 2013.

RAMÍREZ, Fausto. Modernización y modernismo en el arte mexicano. México: IIE-UNAM, 2008.

RAMÍREZ, Fausto. Hacia la gran exposición del Centenario de 1910: El arte mexicano en el cambio de siglo, In: 1910. El arte en un año decisivo. La exposición de artistas mexicanos. México: MUNAL, may-jul. 1991.

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[1] Translation by Elena O’Neill.

[2] CONICET-IDAES, UNSAM, Argentina.

[3] For the magazines from Rio de Janeiro, cf. de OLIVEIRA, Cláudia; PIMENTO VELLOSO Monica and LINS, Vera. O moderno em revistas. Representações do Rio de Janeiro de 1890 a 1930, Rio de Janeiro, Garamond, 2010, and MAUAD, Ana María. Flagrantes e instantâneo: fotografia de impresa e o jeito de ser carioca na belle époque, In: HERCULANO LOPES, Antonio (org.) Entre Europa e África. A invenção do carioca, Rio de Janeiro, Edições Casa de Rui Barbosa, 2000; for México cf. ORTÍZ GAITÁN, Julieta. Imágenes del deseo. Arte y publicidad en la prensa ilustrada mexicana (1894-1939), México, UNAM, 2003. We have studied the case of Athinae in our article La revista de los jóvenes: Athinae, In: ARTUNDO, Patricia (ed.). Arte en Revistas. Publicaciones culturales en la Argentina 1900-1950. Rosario, Beatriz Viterbo, 2008, pp. 25-60.

[4] CASANOVA, Pascale. La literatura como mundo, In: SÁNCHEZ PRADO, Ignacio (ed.). América latina en la “literatura mundial”, Pittsburgh, Instituto Internacional de Literatura Iberoamericana/University of Pittsburgh, 2006.

[5] BALDASARRE, María Isabel, and MALOSETTI COSTA, Laura. París 1900-1914. Plataforma para la construcción de un arte hispanoamericano, In: Continuo / discontinuo. Los dilemas de la historia del arte en América Latina, XXXV Coloquio Internacional de Historia del Arte Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, UNAM, Oaxaca, 2011, (forthcoming).

[6] JOYEUX-LAFONT, Beatrice. Jouer sur l’espace pour maîtriser le temps, EspacesTemps.net, Works. Disponible en: <http://www.espacestemps.net/en/articles/jouer-sur-lrsquoespace-pour-maitriser-le-temps-en/>

[7] For details of the 145 Spanish works (paintings, sculptures and etchings) participating in the Chilean event, see Exposición Internacional de Bellas Artes de Santiago de Chile, 1910.

[8] Regenerationistas: members of an intellectual and political movement initiated in Spain at the end of the 19th century, motivated mainly by a sense of decadence and by the loss of its colonies, and that defended the renovation of the political and social life in Spain. (T.N.)

[9] Among the extenisve bibliography concerning this issue, see FERNÁNDEZ GARCÍA, Ana María. Arte y emigración. La pintura española en Buenos Aires (1880-1910), Oviedo/Buenos Aires, Universidad de Oviedo/FFyL-UBA, 1997; ARTUNDO, Patricia M. and AMIGO,  Roberto. El arte español en la Argentina 1890-1960, Buenos Aires, Fundación Espigas 2006, and our article, Terreno de debate y mercado para el arte español contemporáneo: Buenos Aires en los inicios del siglo XX. In: AZNAR, Yayo and WECHSLER, Diana B. (comp.). La memoria compartida. España y la Argentina en la construcción de un imaginario cultural (1898-1950), Buenos Aires, Paidós, 2005, pp. 107-132.

[10] Cf. PÉREZ SÁNCHEZ, Alfonso. Pintura española en Chile. Santiago de Chile, Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, s/f.

[11] Cuadros de la Exposición Española que se quedaron en México, El Heraldo Mexicano, 5 de noviembre de 1910, p. 5, apud MOYSSÉN, Xavier. La crítica de arte en México 1896-1921, vol. 1, pp. 454-456.

[12] It is interesting to note how Ricardo Gómez Robelo’s article published in the Crónica oficial de las fiestas del primer Centenario de la Independencia en México, (Official chronicle of the celebrations of the first centennial of the independence in Mexico), presents a complete decoding of the modernists resources used by Zuloaga and Sorolla.

[13] His only trip to the continent was to the United States in 1925, on the occasion of his exhibition in New York. Cf. GALÁN Martín, Belén and TUDELILLA LAGUARDI, Chus. Pinturas de Zuloaga en las colecciones del MNCARS, Madrid, 2000.

[14] Cf. RAMÍREZ, Fausto. Modernización y modernismo en el arte mexicano, México, IIE-UNAM, 2008, pp. 46-47; 60.

[15] Gutierrez Zaldivar mentions Quiros meeting Zuloaga around 1914 in Paris, where the latter had set up his atelier in Montmartre. GUTIÉRREZ ZALDÍVAR, Ignacio. Quirós. Buenos Aires, Zurbarán Ediciones, 1991. Bermudez had been a grant holder from 1910-1913, remaining in Paris and Spain, where he had received the guidance of Zuloaga. Cf. AGÜERO, Ana Clarisa. Las manos del Greco. Arte y cultura de Córdoba en 1916, Caiana, nº 4, 1st semester 2014. http://caiana.caia.org.ar/template/caiana.php?pag=articles/article_1.php&obj=132&vol=4.

[16] Fader attended Zügel’s free courses on painting at the Academy of Fine Arts in Munich between 1901 and 1904. For its European itinerary, cf. GUTIÉRREZ VIÑUALES, Rodrigo. Fernando Fader. Obra y pensamiento de un pintor argentino, Granada, Instituto de América/CEDODAL, 1998.

[17] Cf. the above-mentioned book by RAMÍREZ, Fausto. Modernización y modernismo en el arte mexicano.

[18] Costumbrismo: attention towards typical traditions of a region or country in literature and artistic works. (T. N.)

[19] MENDONÇA PITTA, Fernanda. Um povo pacato e bucólico: costume e história na pintura de Almeida Júnior, Dissertation presented at the Post-Graduate Program in Visual Arts, School of Arts and Communication, USP, June 2013.

[20] GUIMARÃES BANDEIRA, Alice. Descanso do modelo: trajetória e repercussão da pintura de gênero brasileira no final do século XIX, Boletim 7, Grupo de Estudos Arte & Fotografia, CAP-ECA-USP, 2014.

[21] PITTA, Op. cit.

[22] Amoedo travelled to Paris in 1879 as a grant holder of the AIBA and studied at the Académie Julien (advised by Almeida Junior) and at the École Nationale Supérieure des Beaux-Arts with masters Alexandre Cabanel and Puvis de Chavannes. He returned to Brazil in 1887. Visconti was trained in Paris between 1893 and 1900 with Guérin and Eugène Grasset, returning then to Brazil.

[23] Morillo travelled to Europe in 1873 and spent ten years in Rome. He then moved to Paris, where he was part of the group of artists around Mariano Benlliure and Francisco Pradilla. Morillo received an award for La Perezosa at the Paris Salon of 1899 and, in the Universal Exhibition of 1900, he was awarded the Medal for Amor Cruel and La Perezosa. In 1918, he returned to Peru, in order to work as the director of the newly founded School of Fine Arts.

[24] Between 1881 and 1885 he received a grant from the Government of Chile to continue his art studies in the atelier of Benjamin Constant in Paris. In 1887, for the second time he received a grant to study in Paris, where he attended the atelier of Jean Paul Laurens.

[25] He traveled to Europe in 1879, and was acknowledged in the Société des Artistes Français Salon with Louly in 1896, cf. cataloguing of this work by MALOSETTI COSTA, Laura. In: Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, Colección. Buenos Aires, Asociación Amigos del MNBA, 2010, vol. 1, pp. 559-560.

[26] His first European training was in Italy, between 1888-1890, where he attended the Accademia di Belle Arti di Venezia as a disciple of Filippo Carcano, making contact with the impressionist tendency in Italian painting. From 1906-1919 he would travel frequently to Paris, where he had an atelier.

[27] Anglada spent nearly twenty years in Paris between 1894 and 1914; in 1907 he began to teach at the Académie Vitti, where he came into contact with with Roberto Montenegro as well as with several Argentinians who lived in the city. Cf. FONTBONA, Francesc et al. Mon d’Anglada-Camarasa, Barcelona, La Caixa, 2006.

[28] He travelled to Paris in 1900 funded by an American millionaire and, according to Ramirez, he was hit by “the fin-de-siècle Post-Impressionism, and especially by its Symbolist aspects”. In 1902 he travelled to the Balearic Islands, and returned to Mexico in November. In a letter to his patron in 1909, he mentions his need to return to his homeland to “make American art; I feel that that splendid ground and sky will give me a new route for art!”. Quoted in: FAVELA, Ramon, et al. Alfredo Ramos Martínez (1871-1946). Una visión retrospectiva, México, INBA/MUNAL, 1992, p. 25.

[29] He settled in Palma in 1893; between 1895 and 1897 he studied in Paris with Benjamin Constant, at the same time that Anglada, who was then in touch with the Peruvian painter Carlos Baca-Flor.

[30] ANDERSON, Perry. Modernidad y Revolución. In: Nicolás Casullo (comp.) El debate modernidad-posmodernidad. Buenos Aires, El cielo por asalto, 1993, p. 98 and following.

[31] RAMÍREZ, Fausto. Hacia la gran exposición del Centenario de 1910: El arte mexicano en el cambio de siglo, In: 1910. El arte en un año decisivo. La exposición de artistas mexicanos. México, MUNAL, May-July 1991.

[32] In August of the following year, after the revolution, Ramos Martínez renounced the direction of the Academy; in October 1914, Carranza named Dr. Atl for the post. In:  RAMÍREZ, Modernización...Op. cit., pp. 364-365; and GARCÍA DE GERMENOS, Pilar. “Alfredo Ramos Martínez y la Academia Nacional de Bellas Artes (1910-1920)”. In: FAVELA, Op. cit.

[33] “Ateliê Livre”, course designed based on the model of the Académie Julien.

[34] Cf. TAVARES CAVALCANTI, Ana Maria. Os embates no meio artístico carioca em 1890 - antecedentes da Reforma da Academia das Belas Artes, 19&20, Rio de Janeiro, v. II, nº 2, abr. 2007. Available in: http://www.dezenovevinte.net/criticas/embate_1890.htm.

The restitution of the travel awards to Europe was also claimed.

[35] We have analysed this subject related to the academic studies of Mario A. Canale in our work, La vida artística de Mario A. Canale. In: AMIGO, Roberto and BALDASARRE, María Isabel (org.). Maestros y discípulos. El arte argentino desde el Archivo Mario A. Canale, Buenos Aires, Fundación Espigas, 2006.